This study is forcing economists to rethink high-deductible health insurance
By Sarah Kliff - Vox
on October 14, 2015, 10:00 a.m. ET
In 2006, about one in 10 employees had a health insurance deductible over
$1,000. Today? About half
do.
To health economists, this sounded like good news; they've long theorized
that higher deductibles would force down health-care costs. The idea was that
higher deductibles would make patients become smarter shoppers: If they had to
pay more of the cost, they'd likely choose something closer to the $1,529
appendectomy than the $186,955 appendectomy (yes, some
hospitals really do charge that much). This would push the really expensive
doctors to lower their prices so cheaper physicians didn't steal their
business.
This was, however, just a theory. And a massive new study suggests it might
have been all wrong.
Economists Zarek Brot-Goldberg, Amitabh Chandra, Benjamin Handel, and
Jonathan Kolstad studied a firm that, in 2013, shifted tens of thousands of
workers into high-deductible insurance plans. This was a perfect moment to look
at how their patterns of care changed — whether they did, in fact, use the new
shopping tools their employer gave them to compare prices.
Turns out they didn't. The new paper shows that when faced with a higher
deductible, patients did not price shop for a better deal. Instead, both healthy
and sick patients simply used way less health care.
"I am a little bit surprised at just how poorly patients were able to do when
looking at very similar products, like MRI scans, and with a shopping tool,"
says Kolstad, an economist at University of California Berkeley and one of the
study's co-author. "Two years in, and there's still no evidence they're price
shopping."
This raises a scary possibility: Perhaps higher deductibles don't lead to
smarter shoppers but rather, in the long run, sicker patients.
Higher deductibles mean sick people use less health care
Kolstad and his co-authors looked at the case of a large, unnamed company
that shifted more than 75,000 workers and their dependents from a plan with no
deductible to one with a $3,750 deductible. When the change happened, workers
received a $3,750 subsidy to a health savings account — money they could spend
freely on whatever health costs they incurred. The company also gave workers
online tools to look up prices for doctor visits, tests, and other services they
might need.
Workers' health spending dropped, and did so quickly. Average per-patient
spending fell from $5,222.60 in 2012 to $4,446.08 in 2013. That's about a 15
percent decline in a single year — and it held true across all types of health
services. Between 2012 and 2014, there was a 25 percent drop in emergency room
spending, an 18 percent decline in physician office visits, and a 6 percent
decrease in mental health services.
With a high-deductible plan, spending
dropped 15 percent in one year
In one sense, then, the high-deductible plan did accomplish a key goal: lower
health spending. But when the researchers looked at why spending
dropped, they found it had nothing to do with smarter shopping. The average
price of a doctor visit wasn't dropping.
Instead, under the high-deductible plan, workers just went to the doctor way
less. The paper finds that "spending reductions are entirely due to outright
reductions in quantity." Workers did use less "potentially wasteful care," like
imaging services, but they also cut back on "potentially valuable care," like
preventive visits.
Even more striking: The sickest workers were those who were most likely to
reduce their use of care while still under the deductible — even though this is
the group that needs lots of care and is most likely to blow through the
deductible by the end of the year. Once these sick workers actually exceeded
their deductible, though, use of medical services rebounded.
"People who are the most likely to go past the deductible also cut back by
the most, and they did that entirely under the deductible," Kolstad says. "They
respond to the spot pricing [the price of receiving care right then], and that
leads to a very large reduction in care. We don't find any evidence they look
for a lower cost. They just don't go."
Why does a deductible cause sick patients to forgo care?
This was the point, to me, that was most baffling in this new paper. Sick
patients would likely have some sense that they needed a lot of medical care —
and that they were probably going to hit their deductible. So why did they
reduce the care they received in the start of the year instead of ponying up the
costs, hitting the deductible early, and getting the care they thought they
needed?
In some cases, you could chalk this up to a liquidity issue: A worker might
not have enough money in her checking account to pay for all the care below the
$3,750 deductible. But that explanation doesn't work here: In this case, the
employer put a $3,750 subsidy in workers' health savings accounts.
Why wouldn't this group get the care they wanted, pay for it with the HSA,
and just run through the out-of-pocket spending earlier in the year? Or, if they
do want to reduce spending, why wouldn't they at least shop for a lower-cost
provider instead of forgoing care altogether?
Kolstad doesn't have a definitive answer to this question, but he thinks it
might have a lot to do with the difficulty all of us have, as patients, guessing
how much we'll spend on health care in a certain year. This leads us to be more
averse to upfront spending.
It's possible that even when we're sick, we tend to be optimistic. We might
hope that our care costs less this year, and that maybe we'll even be able to
roll some of our HSA account funds over to the next year.
"This is a difficult task for consumers to take on, and we now have very
detailed data to show that's the case," he says. "When we've thought about the
economics, we've generally thought this type of price change wouldn't be
problematic, that sicker people would just spend their deductible and get the
care they need. This research suggests that's not the case."
Americans aren't used to shopping for health care — and maybe we don't want
to start
One
study a few years ago, from the Altarum Institute, showed that Americans
tend to spend more time shopping for dishwashers than for doctors — despite the
latter being a rather more consequential decision.
For one thing, most of us don't have access to tools that would let us shop
for doctors. I can go on Amazon and pull up prices for dozens of different
dishwashers. But there's no website I can hop on, right now, to find out what
different radiologists around Washington, DC, would charge me for an X-ray.
This study tried giving workers both the tools to compare costs and a
financial incentive to go with the less expensive option. And, at least in this
instance, those nudges weren't enough to encourage patients to choose cheaper
doctors. Instead of looking for a lower-cost option, workers simply decided not
to go to the doctor at all.
For Kolstad, this makes him skeptical of "demand-side" interventions in
health care — those that rely on consumer demands for lower health prices to
ultimately lead to less medical spending.
What's more, interventions that reduce demand could have the unintended
consequence of actually raising long-term health-care costs. Think of the sick
worker in a high-deductible plan who forgoes care in the early part of the year.
It's possible that skipping preventive care or not filling some prescriptions
could worsen health conditions that necessitate costly interventions a few years
down the line.
This study only looks at two years of a high-deductible plan, and in that
time period it doesn't show this theory bearing out. Still, Kolstad says it
could be a long-term possibility that we just don't have enough data to know
about yet.
"It's certainly plausible you'll see the cost changes later," he says. "That
could manifest in lower productivity on the part of the worker, if you have
people with worse health status. Those are long-run changes, but they are
definitely a possibility."